Sunday, February 2, 2014

Pastorals Epistles Introduction.



THE PASTORAL EPISTLES.     L.H.Brough.

Introduction:
 
Their authorship :  E.Earle Ellis.  From Evangelical Quaterly. Vol.32. No.3.
The consensus of opinion has been that, in the question of the genuineness, the three epistles stand or fall together.  Marcion's abbreviated canon (A.D.140) did omit them.  But, on the whole, the witness of the Patristic period is as strongly for the Pastorals as for the other Paulines with the exception of Romans and 1st Corinthians.  Modern criticism has rested its case almost together upon other grounds.  If evidence external to the letters were the only criterion, no serious question ever would have been lodged against them.
           
The genuineness of the Pastorals was first questioned by Schmidt (1805), Schliermacher (1807), and Eichhorn (1812) for stylistic and linguistic reasons.  The spread through Germany and Holland of this type of criticism, which sought to determine authenticity on philological grounds, resulted in the rejection of most of the Pauline letters in the succeeding decades.  Some scholars, discounting all them, regarded even Paul himself as a figment of second-century imagination. 
           
The argument against the Pastorals was definitely in a German Commentary by H.J.Holtgmann (1880) and this continues to be the standard of reference for the non-Pauline point of view.  During this period most Anglo-American scholars, guided perhaps by Lightfoot’s essay, regarded the Epistles as Pauline.  Not until Harrison's critique (1921) of the language and style did the pendulum swing the other way.  In the receding tide of radical criticism since the turn of the century, only the Pastorals - the first to be questioned - are still held to be spurious by most students; and even here there are signs of a growing dissatisfaction with the methods and conclusions of the older criticism.
           
On the present scene four positions have a significant following:-
           
1.  Some continue to view the Pastorals as second-century writings with no Pauline content, except that which has filtered through the mind of an unknown disciple imitating his master.
           
2.  In more favour, and probably the most popular viewpoint, are those who consider a number of verses to be genuine Pauline fragments, but conclude that the major content is from the hand of a second-century Paulinist.
           
3.Still closer to the traditional estimate, a number of  writers who account for the stylistic differences in the Pastorals by positing Paul's use of secretary; the content of the letters, however, is genuinely Pauline.
           
4.  Finally, a small group argue anew that any changes in style and content may be adequately accounted for within the framework of a direct dictation by the apostle.
           
Objections to the Paulinity of the Pastorals have focussed upon: The historical situation, the type of false teaching condemned, the stage of Church Organization, the vocabulary and style, and the theological viewpoint of the letters.
           
Two factors in the historical situation weighed against the authenticity of the Epistles in the minds of the earlier critics: They despaired of fitting the experiences into the narrative of the Acts and some events appeared actually to be in conflict with or an imitation of the Lukan material.
           
In the positive criticism of the Tubingen School the heresies condemned in the Pastorals were identified with second-century Gnosticism and their true historical setting was thereby to be obtained.  The Church organization too was thought to reflect a type of monarchical episcopate which could not have been developed in the apostolic age.
           
The criticism which have been most effective in recent years relate to the language and style of the letters and their theological concepts.  For example; "faith" elsewhere in the Pauline corpus signifies "trust," but in the Pastorals means a body of doctrine. 1 Tim 4:6; Tit 1:13.  Good works are given a centrality unlike the writer of Galatians and Romans.  Dibelius regards it as a Christianity of orthodoxy and good works.
           
James Denny said, "Paul was inspired, but the writer of these Epistle is sometimes only orthodox." 

Harrison's word statistics, "long in a pillar in the case against genuineness, have been subjected by Professor Metzger to sharp and telling criticism." 
           
It is not impossible to place 1 Timothy and Titus in the period following Paul's final departure from Ephesus (Acts 20:1), as G.S. Duncan tentatively suggests.  But the traditional post-Acts dating of all three letters is more probable.  That Paul journeyed East after his release from Rome, Harrison writes: "impossible repetition," but Guthrie relies; "more surprising if otherwise."
           
Baur's identification of the heresy with second-century Gnosticism is now generally recognized to be mistaken.
           
Harrison whose "Problem of the Pastoral Epistles" has been most influential in Anglo-American scholarship, based his case against genuineness quite squarely upon language and style. Of some 484 words in the three letters, 306 are not elsewhere found in the Pauline literature.  175 in other New Testament writings.  The many words and phrases characteristic of the apostle are missing, e.g. the righteousness of God, the body of Christ.  The grammar and style of the letters varies considerably from the other Paulines. 

Moreover, some sixty of the 175 Hapaxes (words found only in the Pastorals) occur in the second-century Fathers.
           
Although Harrison's arguments were for the most part favourably received in the English-speaking, they found a different reception on the Continent.  Dibelius, no friend of the Pauline authorship, questioned the adequacy of the statistical method as an argument against authenticity.  Michaels in a well-reasoned critique, argued that Harrison produced the results he did simply because his faulty and arbitrary methodology demanded these results.  For example, Harrison found an excessively high number of "Hapaxes per page" in the Pastorals: but he neglected to mention that these letters have a high total number of "words per page" and that in proportion to "words per book" the percentage of Harpaxes in the Pastorals was not greatly different from other Pauline letters.
           
In Britain, Montgomery Hitchcock made the rather embarrassing discovery that the vocabulary of second-century writings shows a closer relationship to 1 Corinthians (and to Colossians and Ephesians for that matter) than to the Pastorals.  More recently Donald Guthrie, in a penetrating critique of Harrison's linguistic argument, sums up the letter's grammatical and stylistic conclusions: "The same arguments could equally well prove the non-Pauline character of the undisputed Pauline Epistles and secondly....these statistics take no account of mood and purpose.
           
Professor Bruce Metzgar, has called attention to a volume by a professional statistician which if its results are accepted, has serious consequences for Harrison's whole hypothesis. 

G.U. Yule, the Cambridge professor, after careful investigation into the use of the vocabulary-style comparisons to determine authorship, concludes that “to obtain reliable data the treatise under study must be at least 10,000 words long.  The Pastoral fall short of this minimum.”

About 1935 Otto Roller investigated the nature and practice of letter-writing in the Roman World, and gave birth to a new hypothesis.  He found that an author often employed an amanuensis who was given a variable degree of freedom in composing the final document from dictated notes.  The author then corrected it and added a closing greeting. (Gal.6:16).
The major theological concepts of the letters are recognized by all `Pauline' and those rejecting genuineness posit a devoted disciples as the author.  Certainly, good works are viewed not as in the later `merit' theology, but as in Paul, to show forth the genuineness of one's faith.  Among scholars favouring their genuineness are :
            Zahn,      1906.                                      Behn,       1948.
            Torm,      1932.                                      de Zwaan,   1948.
            Theornell, 1933.                         Jeremiah,   1953.
            Schlatter, 1936.                                     Simpson,    1954.
            Michaelis, 1946.                                    Guthrie,    1947.
            Spicq,     1947. 
- By Prof. E. Earle Ellis. (We might add J.N.D. Kelly. Also the author on the Pastorals in the Layman's Series and, I understand, Metzgar and C.F.D.Moule.).
           
Important Hypothesis Reconsidered. 
Expository Times. Dec.1955.  P.N. Harrison writes again on the Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles.
           
"In all its main features I believe the hypothesis advocated in my book (1921) to be the true solution of the problem.  I still hold that, in their present form these epistles, cannot possibly have been written by Paul but are, like so many other ancient writings including some of the most truly inspired books in the Bible itself, pseudonymous.  This is, as every student knows or ought to know, a very different thing from calling them forgeries."
           
"I do not for a moment believe that he intended to deceive those for whom he wrote, or that they were deceived by him.  He was, in my view, a devout sincere and earnest Paulinist who set out to express in this familiar form what he and his readers really believed the apostle would have said had he been alive.  The mistaken idea that Paul himself wrote these Epistles arose later in the century, when their author was no longer there to correct it."
           
He had before him a collection of ten Pauline letters made at Ephesus about the turn of the century and had steeped his mind in them to such an extent that he could and did embody in each of his three Epistles a number of phrases taken from each of those ten Paulines.  Incidently this proves the existence of that collection at the time and place at which he wrote - Ephesus towards the end of Trajan's reign and the beginning of Hadrian's.
           
He also had before him either the originals or good copies of several brief personal notes sent by the real Paul to the real Timothy and Titus.  1 Timothy, the last of the three to be written, has the same abundance of Pauline phrases, but no such personal notes, as the other two.  In these two respects, and to this extent, the language of the Pastorals is indeed Paul's own.  But for the rest they are written in the Hellenistic Greek of the first half of the second-century and include a number of words and phrases certainly current then, but not, so far as we know, current in Paul's day.
           
We know that the author of the Pastorals had studied the Septuagint.  I am strongly inclined to think he had read Philo, but I am doubtful that Paul had read Philo.
           
In 1921 I said that five genuine Pauline notes were to be found in Titus and 2 Timothy and one in Titus.  Now, in 1955, I think there are three, one in Titus, but only two to be found in 2 Timothy as before, but distributed somewhat differently. (Titus 3:12-15; 2.Tim.1:16-18; 4:9,15).
           
In 1921 I still believed as most New Testament scholars did then, that our `prison letters" were all written during the Roman imprisonment recorded in Acts.  From this it followed inevitably that 2 Timothy 4:9-12, reporting the defection of Demas, must belong to a note written from Rome some-time after the despatch of Colossians and Philemon, in both of which Demas is still with the apostle and sends his greetings to the recipients.  This must, therefore, be a different note from 4:13-15 in which Paul has recently been at Troas and Timothy needs to be told of the harm done to Paul at Ephesus by Alexander the Coppersmith and warned against this dangerous person.
           
But during the last 26 years thanks largely to Duncan, "St. Paul's Ephesian Ministry" (1929), the idea that our `prison letters' may have been written during one, two or even three imprisonments at Ephesus, or in that region, has been widely discussed, and is now held in one form or another by a large and growing body of experts, though it is not yet generally accepted. 
           
Harrison holds that Philemon, most of Colossians and a letter to the Laodiceans (Col.4:16) were written by Paul as a prisoner towards the end of his Ephesian ministry.  Harrison thinks that on this assumption there is no longer any need to regard 2.Tim.4:9-12 and verses 13-15 as different notes. - P.N.Harrison in Expository Times. Dec.1955.
           
Pastoral Epistles discussed in Interpretation. Oct. 1955  by Laurence F. Kinney.
           
The Pastoral Epistles have marked differences from the other writings ascribed to Paul.  It clearly emerges that the survival of the Christian faith is the common theme of the Pastoral Epistles.  The author never loses sight of his problem.  These writings are united no less by the solution proposed than by the problem faced.  Heresy in thought and behaviour is to be met by sound men.
           
The language usage and theological viewpoint serve also to suggest common authorship for the Pastorals.  Harrison presents his linguistic arguments in two parts:
Part one: Harrison reasons that the language of the Pastorals is not the vocabulary of Paul. 
Part two: In the second and linguistic part of his linguistic argument Harrison points out the common elements existing in the Pastorals and the Apostolic Fathers and Apologists in the second century.
           
Moffatt held that in 2nd Timothy the author had some of Paul's private notes at his disposal; that for the composition of Titus there was available a genuine note or fragments of Paul's correspondence and 1st Timothy seems to rest on no fragment from Paul.  The emphasis place upon church office here is a step which developed in post-Biblical into an elaborate hierarchy.  How far the Pastorals pointed in that direction or constituted a check to such development is a subject of controversy.  - Kinney.
           
Duncan is quite sure that Paul wrote Philippians at Ephesus in the summer of A.D.54.  But Harrison is convinced Paul wrote Philippians during his one and only imprisonment at Rome.
           
Miss Mossingbird Ford writes:  "It is commonly suggested that the incipient heresy which the Pastoral Epistles seek to combat was Proto-Jewish-Gnosticism.  This paper would like to present a few points towards the consideration of another candidate, namely, what the writer could term, "Proto-Montanism.”
           
Montanism was a charismatic and apocalyptic movement at first within the Catholic church, but later breaking away from her.  Its origins are very obscure.  It seems to have arisen somewhere between A.D.126 and 172 - the earliest date suggested being A.D.56, but this is probably impossible.  It was named from one, Montanus, from whom it was thought to originate, but it had many other names, of which the most common was the Cataphrygian or Phrygian heresy, that is, after the Asiatic region over which it spread so rapidly. 
           
Two of the outstanding `features' of the `cataphrygian heresy' were prophecy, both through men and women, and asceticism: only later did its doctrine diverge from the Catholic rule of faith.  If the cataphrygian date preceded Montanus himself, a first century date would be possible.  This heresy was Jewish-Christian.  Now both Eastern and Western Montanism did show characteristics of a Jewish-Christian heresy.  Miss Ford outlines:-
1.  The destination and `heresy' of the Pastorals.
2.  The nature of the `heresy'.
3.  Ecstatic prophecy as a possible background to the element of sobriety in the Epistle.
4.  The place of women.
5.  The hierarchy.

First clue to heresy, 1 Tim 1:3, where it is said that the recipient of the epistle was charged to remain at Ephesus with the purpose of refuting heterodoxy.  The charismatic element of the Jewish Church had almost certainly entered Ephesus.  Many persons associated with Ephesus had been at Corinth - Aquila and Prisca, Alexander, Apollos, Hermogenes, Hymeneus, Timothy, Trophimus, Tychicus. 
           
The works of the Nicolaitans (Rev 2:6) was probably a kind of false prophecy.  See too the letter to Thyatira.  There was trouble in the church and the heresy was in the Christian community.  This heresy was Jewish-Christian and perhaps prophetical.  There were false prophetesses.  Perhaps immorality was tending to creep in.  The nature of the heresy is seen most clearly from 1 Tim 4:1-.  The author avers that the `Spirit expressly says' - this was perhaps a deliberate thrust against those who claim the inspiration of, or for, their own ideas. Miss Ford seems to accept the Pauline authorship of Ephesians and probably of the Pastorals. 
           
The three points mentioned are characteristic of the cataphrygian heresy: Montanus and the women, Maximilla and Priscilla, were accused of paying heed to deceitful spirits, and being inspired by the devil.  Exorcism was tried on the prophetesses. The Montanists dissolved marriage.  They introduced new fasts and festivals, and the practice of eating dry things. 
           
The Pastorals stress self-control, Sobriety and intelligence and sound or healthy teaching.  One may suggest, then, that these words were directed not against immorality but against a "holy roller" type of spirituality, that is, ecstatic and frenzied prophecy.  Recent exegesis has confirmed the view that tongues and prophecy at Corinth was not ecstatic and that the community was fairly controlled.  The gift of tongues and prophecy was placed under the same regulations; both could be commenced or discontinued at will. 
           
Quite different was the Montanist view.  Montanus became obsessed and suddenly fell into a frenzy and convulsions.  The Montanist ecstacy was uncontrolled and violent, and the words were unintelligent.   The author of the Pastorals insisted upon fill consciousness and full control for any, including the prophetic ministry, just as Paul did in 1st Corinthians.  What the Pastorals oppose is the abuse, not the use, of charismatic gifts.
           
The question of women is more prominent in the Pastorals than anywhere else in the New Testament.  The view of women held by the `heretics' is not gnostic.  Now we know that it
was one of the enlightened points about Montanism: that it reverenced the charaimatic gifts in women and permitted them to serve the community.  The Montanist women apparently taught in the community, prophesied false prophecies, left their husbands, indulged in costly attire, and perhaps also in immorality.  Some sources report they became bishops.    Is it towards the beginning of these excesses that the Pastorals are directed?
           
The hierarchy.  The Montanists were the first to have salaried preachers.  Note the warnings about money in the Pastorals. 
           
There is only one reference to a prophet in the Pastorals, and he is a heretic, Titus 1:12.  But prophecy is brought into association with Timothy's `ordination' 1 Tim 1:18; 4:14.
           
Miss Ford is not dogmatic, but suggests the Pastorals were an attempt to quell Proto-Monatism. This was a prophetical movement within the church before the rise of Montanus and his women.  It was not a prohibition of the charismatic movement within the church, but it resisted the dangers of the new charismatic movement.


1 Timothy 2:15.  S Jebb.  Man should normally take the precedence.  When Eve `taught' Adam she led him astray.  She was deceived by the serpent and transgressed.  However she may be saved from falling into this error of usurping authority, and thus being deceived by Satan, by keeping to the proper function for which she was made.  Bearing children will save her from being tempted to `Lord it over' the men.  In this interpretation, `sozo' means being saved from falling into error just spoken about and child-bearing has its usual sense.

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